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To Chairman Ron Johnson, Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, and Chairman Rand Paul, Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs:
Let me begin with a disclosure most writers on this story cannot make: I have a personal stake in it. In 2021, the White House press podium cited a report naming twelve people responsible for the majority of “anti-vaccine misinformation” online. I was one of the twelve. In the weeks after the Surgeon General’s July 2021 advisory, my pages were removed. And in September 2023, a federal appeals court reviewing the discovery record found that Facebook began removing content from the so-called “disinfo dozen” “despite earlier representations that those users were not in violation of their policies” — and that a month after the July pressure campaign, members of the dozen “were deplatformed across several sites.” That is not my characterization. It is the Fifth Circuit’s, in Missouri v. Biden, No. 23-30445.
So yes — I am an interested party. I tell you that upfront because what follows does not depend on trusting me. It depends on documents you now hold.
On Monday you released eleven text messages from a device that contains more than thirty-four thousand, spanning roughly 2014 through December 2022. Those eleven messages matter. On January 25, 2021, Dr. Fauci wrote to Dr. Walensky and Dr. Murthy that post-second-dose reactions “theoretically could be associated with miscarriage in the 1st trimester.” Dr. Walensky called it “definitely a good point.” Dr. Murthy called it “a really good point” — hours after describing the evidence base for vaccinating pregnant women in terms his colleague summarized as “a data free” zone. The next day, when the World Health Organization urged caution for pregnant women, Dr. Murthy’s private reaction was not to weigh the evidence. It was to call the caution “potentially quite damaging to public confidence.”
I want to be careful here, because carefulness is what was missing in 2021. These texts do not prove the vaccine caused the harms discussed. What they prove is something structural: that the officials setting policy privately held uncertainty they never shared in plain language with the women being asked to take the shot — and that the operative metric, in Dr. Murthy’s own words, was confidence, not accuracy. Informed consent does not wait for the epidemiology to resolve. It is about what people were told at the time, by officials who knew what they did not know. And a practical note, offered in your interest as much as mine: the documents need no statistical garnish. The contested percentages now attached to this story are already drawing formal fact-checks and platform corrections, and every debunked number becomes a lightning rod drawing fire away from texts no one can debunk. Release documents. Let them speak.
Since Monday, your witness pool has grown. On Tuesday night, Dr. Robert Redfield — who directed the CDC until January 20, 2021, five days before this chain — told NewsNation: “I never thought we should vaccinate pregnant women.” He was not in favor of the policy recommendation, he said, because the vaccine’s demonstrated benefit was preventing severe illness in the high-risk, largely those over sixty-five — and he was careful to add that he has seen no data establishing a miscarriage link. He didn’t need to claim one, because his position is the point: it is, nearly clause for clause, the World Health Organization’s position of January 26, 2021 — the caution your released texts show being received, within hours, as a threat to public confidence. The man who ran the CDC until five days before these messages now publicly holds the view the messages show being managed.
Chairman Johnson, you told Fox News this week that your focus is finding communications where officials “said one thing privately, and did another in the public eye,” and that Monday’s release is “the tip of the iceberg.” I agree. Your offices also said this week that further releases must await screening of the volume. Good — screening needs targets. Consider this letter a targeting package. Because the device spans through December 2022, I can tell you exactly where in the iceberg to drill. Six months after Dr. Murthy privately validated a theoretical vaccine risk and framed institutional caution as a confidence problem, he became the architect of the federal government’s campaign to define and suppress “misinformation” on that very subject — a campaign the Fifth Circuit found “likely coerced” and “significantly encouraged” the platforms’ censorship decisions, with his office and the White House acting, in the court’s words, as one “ministerial ecosystem.” Internal Meta records subpoenaed by the House describe his office’s ask this way: “The Surgeon General wants us to remove true information about side effects if the user does not provide complete information about whether or not the side effect is rare and treatable.” Read that twice. Not false information. True information, insufficiently reassuring. Dive deeper in my previous exposé here.
The question your phone can answer is whether the January Murthy and the July Murthy ever spoke to each other — through Dr. Fauci’s device — while it happened.
I therefore respectfully request that Subcommittee staff run the following seven searches against the August 5 production:
Search 1. All messages between Dr. Fauci’s device and the number identified as Dr. Vivek Murthy in the January 25–26, 2021 chain, dated February 1, 2021 through December 31, 2022.
Search 2. The same for the number identified as Dr. Rochelle Walensky.
Search 3. The evening of January 25, 2021, 5:00–7:30 PM Eastern — every message sent or received. Dr. Fauci wrote “I asked around a bit more” before raising the miscarriage mechanism at 6:45 PM. Someone answered him. The public deserves to know who, and what they said.
Search 4. January 26–29, 2021 — all messages referencing the World Health Organization. The WHO cautioned on the 26th; your released texts show the incoming administration’s top health team treating that caution as a messaging problem within hours; the WHO reversed on the 29th. What happened in those seventy-two hours?
Search 5. Full corpus, any correspondent: miscarriage, spontaneous abortion, pregnant, pregnancy, v-safe, Shimabukuro, first trimester — with particular attention to April–June 2021, when the first v-safe pregnancy data published, and September–October 2021, when the follow-up studies and the NEJM correction landed. Did anyone in this group ever circle back to their January concern? Silence would itself be a finding.
Search 6. Full corpus: misinformation, disinformation, disinformation dozen (Joseph Mercola, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Ty Bollinger, Charlene Bollinger, Sherri Tenpenny, Rizza Islam, Rashid Buttar, Erin Elizabeth, Sayer Ji, Kelly Brogan, Christiane Northrup, Ben Tapper, Kevin Jenkins.), advisory, Facebook, Meta, Clegg, Zuckerberg, Twitter — especially July 2021, the month of the advisory, the “killing people” remark, and, per the subpoenaed Meta records, the platform’s scramble to satisfy “the Surgeon General’s request.”
Search 7. The 522 voicemails. Any from the Murthy or Walensky numbers, any date; and all voicemails from January 25–26, 2021 regardless of sender. No one has mentioned the voicemails since Monday. Voice does not redact its own tone.
Beyond the searches, three further requests.
First, obtain Dr. Murthy’s government device and records from HHS on the same basis as Dr. Fauci’s. You have noted you cannot guarantee the Fauci device’s contents were fully preserved. Dr. Murthy’s device, his official email, and Meta’s subpoenaed corpus are independent copies of the same conversations. Cross-checking them is how the preservation question itself gets answered — in whichever direction the truth runs.
Second, cross-reference the diaries. Chairman Paul, your office released Dr. Fauci’s journal entries last month, recovered from government servers. Two dates deserve a side-by-side with the phone: January 25–26, 2021 — does the diary record the evening consultation behind “I asked around,” or the WHO deliberation? — and July 2021, the month of the advisory. A diary is what a man tells himself; a phone is what he told others. Where the two diverge is where the story lives.
Third, invite Dr. Redfield for a transcribed interview. He has now said publicly what he says he believed all along — that the blanket recommendation was a mistake. The record should establish what CDC’s internal posture actually was through January 20, 2021; whether anyone consulted him afterward; and what he knows of the January 27, 2021 ACIP meeting your released texts show Dr. Walensky preparing to attend the night before. If officials only find candor after leaving office, the committee’s job is to bring the candor and the office into the same room.
I will close where I began, with the disclosure. I was censored, and a court has now described how. That gives me a motive, and I own it. It also gives me standing to say this: I am not asking you to vindicate me. I am asking you to run seven searches on a phone you already possess, publish what they return — favorable or not — and let the documents do what the officials never let the public do in 2021: reach their own conclusions from complete information.
That, after all, is the principle at stake. It has a name. They wrote it on the consent forms.
Sayer Ji,
Miami, FL
Founder of GreenMedInfo.com
Co-founder of Stand For Health Freedom
Co-founder and Chairman of the Global Wellness Forum
Senior Adviser to MAHA Action
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Excellent work as always SayerJi. Do not let go of this bone till you have chewed it sufficiently! We stand behind you.
Thank you. Dr. Buttar's untimely passing away must also be investigated.